Author: Shawn Wygant
Parental Alienation and the Holidays
Being frozen out of your child’s life for no reason can be one of the most heartbreaking experiences of your life as a parent. For this reason, more and more parents are seeking the help of professionals skilled in bringing parental alienation actions to the courts to restore their right to parent their child. Your children are innocent. They need protection. When innocents are being harmed, PsychLaw is the team that you want on your side.
The holidays can be an especially challenging time for children and parents involved in an alienation struggle. If you are a target parent experiencing the heart wrenching separation from your child during the holidays, remember to hold compassion for yourself. PsychLaw wants each of you to know that you are not alone in this journey.
This season PsychLaw shares the American Psychological Association’s reminders to parents during the holiday season:
- Strengthen social connections. This is especially true when parents are being targeted by an alienator. Strong, supportive relationships help us manage the challenges faced as a target parent.
- Initiate conversations about the season with your child. It is helpful for children to reconnect with positive memories and traditions they have had with you.
- Help your child realize your expectations. If you make your expectations clear, it is easier for you and your child to be flexible while still maintaining scheduled activities.
- Keep things in perspective. Recognize what you are willing to let go and what you are not.
- Take care of yourself. Alienation is very challenging family dynamic. Give yourself compassion and time to release stress.
Parental alienation is challenging every day, but it hits harder when you cannot enjoy special traditions with your child. Please take care this holiday.
From the PsychLaw family to yours, Happy Holidays!
Visitation Interference and Unique Remedies
There is no doubt that in the difficult context of child custody battles, parents occasionally resort to outrageous acts of interpersonal sabotage.[i] Every experienced family court judge, battle worn child custody practitioner, and family therapist can attest to dozens of examples of parental manipulation. Casebooks are filled with tales of vengeful and deceptive behavior by divorcing spouses, in which the children are used as pawns in their battles.”[ii] In this book, we use parental alienation (PA) for the condition of children who have been alienated from a previously beloved parent; we use alienating behaviors (ABs) for the manipulative and alienating activities of parents, as well as the ill-considered actions of those who assist them—be it witting or unwitting.
One behavior, visitation interference, occurs when the alienating parent violates parenting plans and/or takes advantage of ambiguities in the plan to maximize time with the child. The TP has fewer opportunities to counter the badmouthing message, leading to the attenuation of the parent-child relationship. The child acclimates to spending less time with target parent and the court might even reward the AP by instituting the new “status quo” as the permanent schedule.
In the following cases, the target parents sought unique remedies to interference with custody.
Wolf v. Wolf, Iowa, 2005
The Iowa matter of Wolf v. Wolf[iii] contains all-too-familiar allegations of a never-ending custody battle. When the parties divorced in 1990 (when the child was approximately five years old), primary physical care was awarded to Mother; in 1993, this was switched to Father; and in 1998, a district court switched it back to Mother, but on appeal the appellate court reversed and gave Child back to Father.[iv] By this last decision, Child was living in Arizona with Mother, with whom she remained for the next 11 months, despite the clear custody order.
Father obtained a writ of habeas corpus in Iowa, retrieved Child from Arizona and she remained with him in Iowa for about 1½ months. In October 2000, at the age of 15, Child took a flight back to Arizona and Mother began unsuccessful court proceedings in Arizona and Iowa, the last of which had the court issuing an order that all must remain in Iowa during the pendency of its proceedings.[v] While a show cause order was pending regarding Mother’s earlier failures to return daughter, Mother and Child fled once again to Arizona.[vi]
Father filed a civil suit in Iowa for interference with custody based on the Iowa decision Wood v. Wood, 338 N.W.2d 123 (Iowa 1983) and the Restatement (Second) of Torts § 700 (1977), and the trial court denied Mother’s motion to dismiss for failure to state a claim.[vii] The appellate court affirmed the awards to the Father of compensatory damages and punitive damages.[viii]
Wyatt v. McDermott, Virginia, 2012
The plaintiff-father in Wyatt v. McDermott[ix] had his custodial rights interfered with from before the child was born. Father and Mother were unmarried, and Mother was apparently under the control of her parents, who pushed for her to give the child up for adoption.[x] Through much of her pregnancy, Father attended Mother’s doctor’s appointments with her, and the two made plans to raise the child together.[xi]
At the same time, Mother was working with an attorney retained by her parents to facilitate an adoption and she signed forms, agreements, and affidavits, often intentionally omitting information about Father. All the while, she continued to deceive the father that she planned to raise the child with him.[xii] She hid her labor and the birth from him (it was two weeks early) and, two days after the birth, she relinquished her rights and custody of the child was transferred to the adoptive parents, via an adoption agency and its attorneys, who resided in another state.[xiii]
Six days after the transfer, and after he had learned of the birth, Father initiated proceedings for custody, and while Virginia (his residence) courts awarded him custody, Utah (the residence of the adoptive parents) awarded custody to the adoptive parents.[xiv]
Father then filed suit in federal district court in Virginia against the attorney for the parents, the attorney for the agency, the adoption agency, an employee of the adoption agency, and the adoptive parents seeking “compensatory and punitive damages for the unauthorized adoption as well as a declaratory judgment under the Parental Kidnapping Prevention Act” in addition to claims of tortious interference with parental rights.[xv]
The defendants filed a motion to dismiss the tortious interference claim, and the district court, rather than ruling, certified the question of whether it existed, and if so what were its elements and burden of proof, to the Virginia Supreme Court. The state court held “a parent has a cause of action against third parties who seek to interfere with this right,” and its elements are:
(1) the complaining parent has a right to establish or maintain a parental or custodial relationship with his/her minor child; (2) a party outside of the relationship between the complaining parent and his/her child intentionally interfered with the complaining parent’s parental or custodial relationship with his/her child by removing or detaining the child from returning to the complaining parent, without that parent’s consent, or by otherwise preventing the complaining parent from exercising his/her parental or custodial rights; (3) the outside party’s intentional interference caused harm to the complaining parent’s parental or custodial relationship with his/her child; and (4) damages resulted from such interference.[xvi]
[i] Anita Vestal, Mediation and Parental Alienation Syndrome: Considerations for an Intervention Model, 37 Fam. & Conciliation Cts. Rev. 487, 487 (1999).
[ii] Solangel Maldonado, Cultivating Forgiveness: Reducing Hostility and Conflict After Divorce, 43 Wake Forest L. Rev. 441, 449-50 (2008).
[iii] Wolf v. Wolf, 690 N.W.2d 887 (Iowa 2005). See also Lansky by Brill v. Lansky, 449 N.W.2d 367 (Iowa 1989) (recognizing tortious interference with custody as a viable cause of action).
[iv] Wolf, 690 N.W.2d at 890.
[v] Id.
[vi] Id. at 891.
[vii] Id.
[viii] Id. at 893-894.
[ix] Wyatt v. McDermott, 725 S.E.2d 555 (Va. 2012).
[x] Id. at 556.
[xi] Id.
[xii] Id. at 557.
[xiii] Id.
[xiv] Id.
[xv] Id.
[xvi] Id. at 558, 562.
Badmouthing as a form of parental alienation
In Psychlaw.net’s previous blog post, we discussed several tactics alienating parents use to isolate and alienate the minor child. Today’s Psychlaw.net will focus on badmouthing. Badmouthing can be done with both verbal and nonverbal communications. The alienating parent (AP) manipulates a child into believing that the targeted parent (TP) is unloving, unsafe and unavailable. With sincerity, frequency and intensity, the PA exaggerates existing flaws and manufacture non-existing shortcomings.
BADMOUTHING: Alienating Parent (AP) uses verbal and non-verbal communications that convey to the child that the targeted parent (TP) is unloving, unsafe, and unavailable. Existing flaws are exaggerated, and non-existent flaws are manufactured. Statements are made frequently, intensely, with great sincerity, and unbalanced by anything positive.
LIMITING CONTACT: The AP violates parenting plans and/or takes advantage of ambiguities in the plan to maximize time with the child. The TP has fewer opportunities to counter the badmouthing message, leading to the attenuation of the parent-child relationship. The child acclimates to spending less time with the TP and the court might even reward the AP by instituting the new “status quo” as the permanent schedule.
TELLING THE CHILD THAT THE TP IS DANGEROUS: A particular form of badmouthing, this involves creating the impression in the child that the TP is or has been dangerous. Stories might be told about ways in which the TP has tried to harm the child, about which the child has no memory but will believe to be true nonetheless, especially if the story is told often enough.
TELLING THE CHILD THAT THE TP DOES NOT LOVE HIM OR HER: Another specific form of badmouthing occurs when the AP allows or encourages the child to conclude that the TP does not love him or her. The AP might make statements that conflate the end of the marriage with the end of the parent’s love of the child. (i.e. Mommy left us, or Daddy doesn’t love us anymore). The AP will foster the belief in the child that she is being rejected by the TP and distort every situation to make it appear as if that is the case.
Carefully crafted parenting plans include language prohibiting parents from badmouthing the other in front of the minor child(ren). If a parent violates these provisions, a court may hold that parent in contempt, order a psychological evaluation or mandatory therapy.
If badmouthing continues a court may modify the custody order if it can be shown that the badmouthing is detrimental to the child’s wellbeing.
In the mind of an alienator: strategies and outcomes
There is no doubt that in the difficult context of child custody battles, parents occasionally resort to outrageous acts of interpersonal sabotage. [i] Every experienced family court judge, battle worn child custody practitioner, and family therapist can attest to dozens of examples of parental manipulation. Casebooks are filled with tales of vengeful and deceptive behavior by divorcing spouses, in which the children are used as pawns in their battles. [ii] Psychlaw.net uses parental alienation (PA) for the condition of children who have been alienated from a previously beloved parent; we use alienating behaviors (ABs) for the manipulation and alienating activities of parents, as a well as the ill-considered actions of those who assist them — be it witting or unwitting.
Those alienating behaviors are described in Dr. Amy Baker’s research as the 17 strategies of alienating parents. In this blog series, Psychlaw.net will examine each strategy and describe how courts throughout the United States have handled alienators who use this strategy. These 17 strategies include:
- BADMOUTHING: Alienating Parent (AP) uses verbal and non-verbal communications that convey to the child that the targeted parent (TP) is unloving, unsafe, and unavailable. Existing flaws are exaggerated, and non-existent flaws are manufactured. Statements are made frequently, intensely, with great sincerity, and unbalanced by anything positive.
- LIMITING CONTACT: The AP violates parenting plans and/or takes advantage of ambiguities in the plan to maximize time with the child. The TP has fewer opportunities to counter the badmouthing message, leading to the attenuation of the parent-child relationship. The child acclimates to spending less time with the TP and the court might even reward the AP by instituting the new “status quo” as the permanent schedule.
- INTERFERING WITH COMMUNICATION: The AP demands constant access to the child when the child is with the TP but does not reciprocate when the child is with him/her. Phones are not answered, e-mail messages are blocked, and messages are not forwarded. The TP has fewer opportunities to be a part of the child’s daily world and share with the child the small moments that make up a child’s life.
- INTERFERING WITH SYMBOLIC COMMUNICATION: Thinking about, talking about, and looking at pictures of a parent while away can help a child feel close and connected to an absent parent. The AP creates an environment in which the child does not feel free to engage in these activities with respect to the TP. Alienating parents, however, are able to make their presence felt to the child even when the child is with the TP. The child is preoccupied with thoughts of the AP, making frequent calls to check in, following rules imposed by the AP, worrying that the AP will be upset or angry. The child’s mind and heart are preoccupied with the AP and there is no room left for the child’s thoughts and feelings about the TP.
- WITHDRAWAL OF LOVE: APs make their approval of paramount importance to the child; so much so that the child would do anything to avoid the loss of love that is experienced when the child has disappointed or angered that parent. Typically what angers and hurts the AP most is the child’s love and affection for the TP. Thus, in order to secure the love of one parent, the child must relinquish the love of the other. Although this is not something likely to be explicit to the child, it will be apparent to the TP that the child lives in fear of losing the AP’s love and approval.
- TELLING THE CHILD THAT THE TP IS DANGEROUS: A particular form of badmouthing, this involves creating the impression in the child that the TP is or has been dangerous. Stories might be told about ways in which the TP has tried to harm the child, about which the child has no memory but will believe to be true nonetheless, especially if the story is told often enough.
- FORCING THE CHILD TO CHOOSE: The AP will exploit ambiguities in the parenting plan and create opportunities to seduce/compel the child away from the TP by scheduling competing activities and promising valued items and privileges. If both parents are present at the same event/location the child will favor the AP and ignore or be rude to the TP.
- TELLING THE CHILD THAT THE TP DOES NOT LOVE HIM OR HER: Another specific form of badmouthing occurs when the AP allows or encourages the child to conclude that the TP does not love him or her. The AP might make statements that conflate the end of the marriage with the end of the parent’s love of the child. (i.e. Mommy left us, or Daddy doesn’t love us anymore). The AP will foster the belief in the child that she is being rejected by the TP and distort every situation to make it appear as if that is the case.
- CONFIDING IN THE CHILD: The AP will involve the child in discussions about legal matters and share with the child personal and private information about the TP that the child has no need to know. The AP will portray him/herself as the victim of the TP, inducing the child to feel pity for and protective of the AP, and anger and hurt toward the TP. The confidences are shared in such a way as to flatter the child and appeal to his/her desire to be trusted and involved in adult matters.
- FORCING THE CHILD TO REJECT THE TP: APs create situations in which the child actively rejects the TP, such as call the TP to cancel upcoming parenting time or request that the TP not attend an important school or athletic event. Not only is the TP being denied something that s/he truly desires but s/he is being delivered the news by the child, leading to feelings of hurt and frustration. The TP may respond by lashing out at the child, further damaging their already fragile relationship. Further, once children have hurt a parent, the alienation will become entrenched as the child justifies his/her behavior by devaluing the TP.
- ASKING THE CHILD TO SPY ON THE TP: TPs usually have information in their files, desk, or computer that is of interest to the AP, such as paystubs, receipts, legal documents, medical reports, and so forth. An AP might suggest directly to a child or hint that the TP has information that s/he is not sharing with the AP. The AP will likely create the impetus in the child by linking the information to the child’s desires (i.e., if we knew whether Daddy got a raise we could ask for more money and buy a new dog for you). Once children betray a parent by spying on them, they will likely feel guilty and uncomfortable being around that parent, thus furthering the alienation.
- ASKING THE CHILD TO KEEP SECRETS FROM THE TP: The AP will ask or hint that certain information should be withheld from the TP in order to protect the child’s interests. Such as, “If Mommy knew that we were planning on taking a trip she would take me to court and try to stop it. Let’s not tell her until Saturday, when it will be too late for her to interfere.” Like spying, keeping secrets creates psychological distance between the TP and the child, who may feel guilty and uncomfortable with the TP. Obviously, when the TP discovers that the child withheld the information, the parent will be hurt and/or angry at the child
- REFERRING TO THE TP BY FIRST NAME: Rather than saying “Mommy/Daddy” or “Your Mommy/Your Daddy” the AP will use the first name of the TP when talking about that parent to the child. This may result in the child referring to the TP by first name as well. The message to the child is that the TP is no longer someone whom the AP respects as an authority figure for the child and no longer someone who has a special bond with the child. By referring to the TP by first name, the AP is demoting that parent to the level of a peer or neighbor.
- REFERRING TO A STEP-PARENT AS “MOM” OR “DAD” AND ENCOURAGING THE CHILD TO DO THE SAME: Once the AP is remarried, s/he will speak of the new partner as if that parent were the only mother/father of the child. This parent will be introduced to others (teachers, coaches, parents of friends) as the “mother/father” rather than as the step-parent. The AP will refer to that parent as the mother/father to the child and create the expectation that the child will do so as well. If the TP should find out that the child is doing this, s/he will be hurt and angry with the child.
- WITHHOLDING MEDICAL, ACADEMIC, AND OTHER IMPORTANT INFORMATION FROM THE TP/ KEEPING TP’S NAME OFF MEDICAL, ACADEMIC, AND OTHER RELEVANT DOCUMENTS: All important forms from school, sports, religious education, and so forth ask for the information about the child’s mother and father. The AP will not provide information about the TP in the appropriate place on the form and may not include the information at all. In this way, the TP will be at a decided disadvantage in terms of accessing information, forging relationships, being contacted in emergencies, being invited to participate, being provided with changes in schedules/locations, and so forth. Further, the AP will not provide the TP with schedules, reading lists, notices, and the like from the school, coach, doctor, and so forth. Taken together, these twin strategies marginalize the TP in the eyes of the child and important adults in his/her life. They also make it considerably more difficult for the TP to be an active and involved parent.
- CHANGING THE CHILD’S NAME TO REMOVE ASSOCIATION WITH THE TP: If the AP is the mother, she may revert to using her maiden name after the divorce and will institute a practice of using that name for her children as well. If the AP is the mother and she remarries, she will assume the surname of her new husband and will institute a practice of using that new surname for her children as well. If the AP is the father, he may start referring to the child with a new nickname (convincing the child that s/he has always been called by this name) and in this way forge a new identity for the child in which the AP is the most important parent. The TP may feel distant and awkward with the child who now refers to him or herself with a new name. The TP may feel that the name change represents a reaction of him/her and will experience hurt, sadness, and frustration because of that.
- CULTIVATING DEPENDENCY/UNDERMINING THE AUTHORITY OF THE TP: Alienated children often speak of the AP as if that parent were perfect, exceptional, and in every way above reproach. They also behave as if they are dependent on that parent in a way that is not necessary or appropriate given the age and life experience. APs are able to develop dependency in their children rather than (as is typical of non-alienating parents) help their children develop self-sufficiency, critical thinking, autonomy, and independence. At the same time, they will undermine the authority of the TP in order to ensure that the child is loyal to only one parent. Examples include instituting rules that the child must follow even when with the TP, and mocking or overwriting the rules of the TP. The AP becomes elevated in the eyes of the child while the TP becomes less important and less meaningful.
Loss of support, loss of companionship – how many target parents have complained of these very injuries? Finally, the intentionality of pathological alienating parents has been recognized in law and target parents have recovered for their injuries outside of family court. How many times do we hear about defamation and direct interference with custody and visitation? In these difficult casers, we hear these complaints all the time. Here we see that there is a forum to redress the injuries flowing from the awful behavior of alienating parents, even when the family courts are too timid to act.
Next week, Psychlaw.net will focus on badmouthing and what happens when courts find parents relentlessly badmouthing the other parent.
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[i] Anita Vestal, Mediation and Parental Alienation Syndrome: Considerations for an Intervention Model, 37 Fam. & Conciliation Cts. Rev. 487, 487 (1999).
[ii] Solangel Maldonado, Cultivating Forgiveness: Reducing Hostility and Conflict After Divorce, 43 Wake Forest L. Rev. 441, 449-50 (2008).
Misinformation In Child Custody
Misinformation: “Parenting is a privilege not a legal right … courts have no right to interfere,” and children have a right to choose with whom they live.[1]
The idea that parenting is not a legal right, by Hoult, is equally as misguided as her misunderstanding First Amendment law:
The fundamental liberty interest of natural parents in the care, custody and management of their child does not evaporate simply because they have not been model parents or have lost temporary custody of their child …. Even when blood relationships are strained, parents retain a vital interest in preventing the irretrievable destruction of their family life.[2]
Every actual expert in child custody law understands that a parent’s right to custody must be “balanced against the state’s need [and power] to determine the best interests of the child.”[3] In determining what will serve a child’s best interests, experts and our courts typically use a multi-factor test[4]. One, but just one, factor, and certainly not the weightiest, is the child’s preference—which typically has more sway the older the child[5]. However, the child’s preference is always out-weighed by a “parent’s natural right to the custody of his or her child.[6]” Therefore, while a “well-reasoned preference by a mature teenager can … be a deciding factor …. [I]n cases where … there is evidence that the choices were motivated by bad reasons, the court may choose to disregard the child’s preference, or to give it little weight.”[7] One prominent example of just such a bad reason is PA, which justifies a custody award against a manipulated child’s preference.[8]
We believe at PsychLaw.net It is clear that the construct–PA passes all relevant tests, be it Daubert, Frye, or some other variant. Using material in this book, it is not only easy to prove this in court, but to fully refute the arguments of those who claim otherwise.
[1] Hoult, supra note 136, at 7:39-7:54; 25:45; 51:15; 76:30.
[2] Santosky v. Kramer, 455 U.S. 745, 753 (1982)
[3] See Pater v. Pater, 588 N.E.2d 794, 798 (Ohio 1992); Palmore v. Sidoti, 466 U.S. 429, 433
(1984). See also In re Estate of S.T.T., 144 P.3d 1083, 1088 (Utah 2006).
[4] See, e.g., Schaeffer-Mathis Schaeffer v. Mathis, 407 P.3d 485, 492-493 (Alaska 2017)
(discussing its nine-factor test).
[5] See Meehan-Greer v. Greer, 415 P.3d 274, 282 (Wyo. 2018). Thompson v. Thompson, 905
N.W.2d 772, 779 (N.D. 2018)
[6] In re Lilly S. v. Kenny S., 903 N.W.2d 651, 662 (Neb. 2017)
[7] Mathis, 407 P.3d at 492-493(affirming trial court’s finding mother had coached and influenced children to lie to authorities about father’s conduct and ignoring children’s stated preferences).
[8] Id. Wolt v. Wolt, 778 N.W.2d 786, 793 (N.D. 2010) (“evidence of parental alienation is a
significant factor in determining custody). Stern v. Stern, 758 N.Y.S.2d 155, 155 (N.Y. App.
Div. 2003) (“The defendant’s conduct in alienating the children from their father is an act …
inconsistent with the best interests of the children…”). Price v. Price, 611 N.W.2d 425, 434-435
(S.D. 2000) (ignoring 11-year-old’s expressed preference in face of mother’s pattern of
alienation).
How the “Natural History” Of A Child Abuse Allegation Must Be Examined
Psychologist researcher Hollida Wakefield and Lutheran Minister turned clinical psychologist, Ralph Underwager, taught that the “natural history” (origin, timing, and nature) of a child abuse allegation must be examined (Wakefield & Underwager, 1990 & 1991). While they focused primarily on sexual abuse accusations, their strategy is applicable to other forms of alleged abuse as well. They provided preliminary guidelines for the determination of true versus false accusations. They defined factors behind false allegations of sexual abuse, including the character of the accuser, the persons who aid and in many cases abet the accuser, and the use of leading or manipulative questioning. Counsel and the defense team should be mindful of the list Wakefield and Underwager (1990 &1991) provided to differentiate between real and false allegations; they suggested the fact finder examine the:
- Origin of the disclosure;
- Timing of the allegations;
- Age of the child;
- Behavior of the accusing parent;
- Nature of the allegations;
- Characteristics of the child’s statement;
- Personality characteristics of the parties involved; and
- Behavior of the Professionals involved.
For this reason counsel, staff researcher and the defense team expert must carefully analyze every statement made by Adrian, every statement attributed to Adrian by another, and specifically how the CPS and the CAC personnel arrived at their conclusions. The CAC video-recorded “forensic” interviews must be analyzed, second by second, for indications of parental influences; interviewer bias; leading, suggestive, or repetitive questions; interviewer modifications of what was said; questions that suggested new content; questions that denigrated Richard; and so forth. Each utterance must be coded as to when it was made, what specifically was said and to whom the statement was made. Lacking a skilled researcher, this process can be replicated by any attorney near a university. A little searching (try Craig’s List) will find a social sciences graduate student who is already plugged into numerous medical and behavioral science databases through their study. They all need money and the good ones can break down the science jargon easily. The statements analysis should then be laid out in an Excel spreadsheet. These coded lists should be cross-referenced as they will form the basis for cross-examination of the accuser and other witnesses over their inconsistencies, contradictions, and outright fabrications.
In Richard’s case, counsel will prepare specific science content areas to deal with the alleged “Daddy hurt me” statement and its aftermath. Review of the natural history of the allegation shows that some time before little Adrian is said to have made the “Daddy hurt me” statement, Jane was away at a continuing education seminar and Adrian and Richard traveled to a hotel and theme park. On the return trip to the family home, Richard was cut off in traffic by an elderly couple driving through a red light. When he slammed on the brakes, Adrian’s improperly fastened seat belt gave way and the child collided with the rear passenger doorpost. Her black eye and bruises took several hours to appear. When they arrived home, Jane grabbed Adrian and left the home. To educate the trier of fact about what Jane has been saying to Adrian and how the “Daddy hurt me” statement came about is counsel’s first science content area: parental influences on children’s memory. When Jane took little Adrian to CPS, the investigator sent Jane and Adrian to the local CAC for a forensic interview. With respect to the interview and the effects of the play therapy on Adrian, counsel’s second science content area is children’s suggestibility.
Over the course of months since the alleged “Daddy hurt me” statement, the play therapist has carefully noted the many additional statements Adrian has made involving “Daddy” and “hurting” and “a long time.” Jane’s counsel, the prosecutor and the play therapist all say that Adrian’s alleged “Daddy hurt me” statement is clearly a delayed disclosure. This, then, is the third science content area counsel we at PsychLaw.net know must develop.
Wakefield, H., & Underwager, R. (1990). Personality characteristics of parents
making false accusations of sexual abuse in custody disputes. Issues in
Child Abuse Accusations, 2(3), 121–136.
Wakefield, H., & Underwager, R. (1991). Sexual abuse allegations in divorce and
custody disputes, Behavioral Sciences and the Law, 9(4), 451-468.
The Debate Regarding PA And PAS In The Mental Health And Legal Professional Literature
Between 1990 and 2010 there was considerable discussion and debate regarding PA and PAS in the mental health and legal professional literature. Most of the disagreement related to PAS as it was conceptualized and defined by Richard Gardner, as well as Gardner’s recommendation that cases of severe alienation should be treated by transferring custody of the child from the alienating parent to the target parent. For example, Gardner was criticized by Faller (1998, 2000), Faller and DeVoe (1995), Bruch (2001), and by Hoult (2006). In 2001, Kelly and Johnston critiqued Gardner’s definition of PAS (which they felt focused too much on the role of the alienating parent) and proposed a reformulation of the phenomenon as “the alienated child” (which focuses more on the feelings and behavior of the child). See Chapter 10, “The History of Parental Alienation from Early Days to Modern Times,” and Chapter 13, “Parental Alienation Initiatives around the World,” for a more complete discussion of the controversies regarding PA and PAS.
In 2000, Elizabeth Ellis published her text Divorce Wars: Interventions with Families in Conflict. Ellis explained that by the year 2000, the concept of PA had “come to be accepted by clinicians working with families involved in post divorce conflict.” She went on to point out, “Definitions for PAS have been unclear, because clinicians still confuse a child’s symptoms with the parent’s behavior and the qualities of the relationship between the child and the alienating parent” (p. 227). Ellis offered a brief review of folie à deux and suggested that it involved striking similarities to PAS. In folie à deux, the primary individual who is dominant in the relationship gradually imposes his or her delusional system on the more passive, initially healthy second person (p. 218).
In 2010, Joan Kelly pointed out that there was “broad consensus among the mental health and family law community that the risk of child alienation is increased in highly conflicted separations accompanied by protracted adversarial child custody disputes” (Kelly, 2010). She commented that while case analysis and research improved our understanding with respect to PA, there existed ample frustration about the “surprisingly little progress made by courts in successfully dealing with these cases in the past 30 years.”
While some MHPs and attorneys reject the concept of PAS as defined by Gardner, almost all mental health and legal professionals accept the general definition of PA used in this book. That is, almost all mental health and legal professionals agree that some children – whose parents are engaged in a high-conflict separation or divorce – ally themselves strongly with one parent and reject a relationship with the other parent without legitimate justification. In an informal poll of members of the Association of Family and Conciliation Courts, which occurred in 2010, 98% of the 300 respondents agreed with the statement, “Do you think that some children are manipulated by one parent to irrationally and unjustifiably reject the other parent?” (Baker, Jaffee, Bernet, & Johnston, 2011).
Although the great majority of mental health and legal professionals agree that some children of divorced parents manifest PA – as we use the term – there has not been agreement on whether PA should be a formal diagnosis for use by MHPs. The proposal that PA become an official diagnosis was published in Parental Alienation, DSM-5, and ICD-11 (Bernet, 2010). See Chapter 15 of this book for an account of the development and submission of proposals that PA be included as a diagnosis in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders and the International Classification of Diseases.
MHPs sometimes find themselves involved in cases of PA involuntarily and perhaps unwittingly. For example, a social worker might already be the therapist for a parent, who then divorces and becomes either the alienating or the target parent as the family sinks into an alienation scenario. Or a school counselor might be working with an overly anxious child, who takes a turn for the worse when his parents divorce and he forms a strong alliance with one parent and rejects the other. On the other hand, MHPs also become involved in PA cases in a voluntary, knowing manner. A psychiatrist might agree to conduct a custody evaluation although she realizes that one of the parents has alleged that the child is manifesting PA. Or, a psychologist might agree to help a child and his mother re-establish a healthy relationship after being alienated from each other for several years.
Many MHPs are reluctant to become more than superficially involved in these difficult cases because each parent’s attorney will challenge them unless they support that parent’s position. Advocacy for one parent leads opposing counsel to attempt to discredit them, disregard their evaluation, or present their work as inadequate in an effort to remove them from the case. However, some MHPs make the opposite mistake of becoming overly involved in PA situations; for example, trying to be both the child’s therapist and the custody evaluator. It is almost always risky and hazardous for a MHP to take on multiple roles. It may constitute an ethical violation, which could be brought to the attention of the state licensing board. Fidler & Bala (2010) explain that it is very difficult for one MHP to achieve desired objectives and meet the various, complex, and often competing needs of different family members. Trouble and headaches will certainly be encountered when a MHP assumes dual roles of therapist and decision maker (Bernet, 1983; Bone & Sauber, 2012; Greenberg, Gould, Schnider, Gould-Saltman, & Martindale, 2003; Kirkland & Kirkland, 2006; Sullivan, 2004).
In this chapter, we at PsychLaw.net briefly discuss the various roles MHPs occupy in high conflict custody cases: evaluator, therapist, parenting coordinator, reunification specialist, and mental health consultant. See Chapter 2 for a more complete explanation of the evaluation process and Chapters 3, 4, and 5 for a discussion of the treatment of mild, moderate, and severe cases of PA. For additional information regarding reunification therapy, see Chapter 7. Mental health and legal professionals also try to influence courts and legislatures in shaping social policy, which is discussed in Chapter 9.
Baker, A. J. L., Jaffee, P. G., Bernet, W., & Johnston, J. R. (2011). Brief report on parental alienation survey. The Association of Family and Conciliation Courts eNEWS 30(2).
Bernet W. (1983). The therapist’s role in child custody disputes. Journal of Child Psychiatry 22:180-183.
Bernet, W. (2010). Parental alienation, DSM-5, and ICD-11. Springfield, IL: Charles C Thomas Publisher.
Bruch, C. (2001). Parental alienation syndrome and parental alienation: Getting it wrong in child custody. Family Law Quarterly, 35, 527.
Bone, J. M. & Sauber, S. R. (2012). The essential role of the mental health consultant in cases of parental alienation. In A. J. L. Baker & S. R. Sauber (Eds.), Working with alienated children and families: A clinical guidebook. New York: Routledge.
Ellis, Elizabeth M. (2000). Divorce wars: Interventions with families in conflict. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association.
Faller, K. (1998). The parental alienation syndrome: What is it and what data support it? Child Maltreatment, 3(2), 100-15.
Faller, K. (2000). Child maltreatment and endangerment in the context of divorce. University of Arkansas Little Rock Law Review, 22, 429-444.
Faller, K., & DeVoe, E. (1995). Allegations of sexual abuse in divorce. Journal of Child Sexual Abuse, 4(4), 1-25.
- Fidler, B. J., & Bala, N. (2010). Children resisting post-separation contact with a parent: Concepts, controversies, and conundrums. Family Court Review, 48(1), 10-47.
Greenburg, L. R., Gould, J. W., Schnider, R. A., Gould-Saltman, D. J., & Martindale, D. A. (2003). Effective Intervention with High-Conflict Families: How Judges can Promote and Recognize Competent Treatment in Family Court. Journal of the Center for Families, Children and the Courts, 4, 49-65.
Hoult, J. (2006). The evidentiary admissibility of parental alienation syndrome: Science, law and policy. Children’s Legal Rights Journal 26 (1): 1-61.
Kirkland, K., & Kirkland, K. E. (2006). Risk Management and Aspirational Ethics for Parenting Coordinators. Journal of Child Custody, 3(2), 23-43.
Kelly, J. B. (2010). Commentary on “Family Bridges: Using Insights from Social Science to Reconnect Parents and Alienated Children” (Warshak 2010). Family Court Review, 48(1), 81-90.
Kelly, J. B., & Johnston, J. R. (2001). The Alienated Child: A Reformulation of Parental Alienation Syndrome. Family Court Review, 39, 249-266.
Sullivan, M. J. (2004). Ethical, Legal, and Professional Practice Issues Involved in Acting as a Psychologist Parent Coordinator in Child Custody Cases. Family Court Review, 42, 576-582.
The Debate Regarding PA And PAS In The Mental Health And Legal Professional Literature.
Between 1990 and 2010 there was considerable discussion and debate regarding PA and PAS in the mental health and legal professional literature. Most of the disagreement related to PAS as it was conceptualized and defined by Richard Gardner, as well as Gardner’s recommendation that cases of severe alienation should be treated by transferring custody of the child from the alienating parent to the target parent. For example, Gardner was criticized by Faller (1998, 2000), Faller and DeVoe (1995), Bruch (2001), and by Hoult (2006). In 2001, Kelly and Johnston critiqued Gardner’s definition of PAS (which they felt focused too much on the role of the alienating parent) and proposed a reformulation of the phenomenon as “the alienated child” (which focuses more on the feelings and behavior of the child). See Chapter 10, “The History of Parental Alienation from Early Days to Modern Times,” and Chapter 13, “Parental Alienation Initiatives around the World,” for a more complete discussion of the controversies regarding PA and PAS.
In 2000, Elizabeth Ellis published her text Divorce Wars: Interventions with Families in Conflict. Ellis explained that by the year 2000, the concept of PA had “come to be accepted by clinicians working with families involved in post divorce conflict.” She went on to point out, “Definitions for PAS have been unclear, because clinicians still confuse a child’s symptoms with the parent’s behavior and the qualities of the relationship between the child and the alienating parent” (p. 227). Ellis offered a brief review of folie à deux and suggested that it involved striking similarities to PAS. In folie à deux, the primary individual who is dominant in the relationship gradually imposes his or her delusional system on the more passive, initially healthy second person (p. 218).
In 2010, Joan Kelly pointed out that there was “broad consensus among the mental health and family law community that the risk of child alienation is increased in highly conflicted separations accompanied by protracted adversarial child custody disputes” (Kelly, 2010). She commented that while case analysis and research improved our understanding with respect to PA, there existed ample frustration about the “surprisingly little progress made by courts in successfully dealing with these cases in the past 30 years.”
While some MHPs and attorneys reject the concept of PAS as defined by Gardner, almost all mental health and legal professionals accept the general definition of PA used in this book. That is, almost all mental health and legal professionals agree that some children – whose parents are engaged in a high-conflict separation or divorce – ally themselves strongly with one parent and reject a relationship with the other parent without legitimate justification. In an informal poll of members of the Association of Family and Conciliation Courts, which occurred in 2010, 98% of the 300 respondents agreed with the statement, “Do you think that some children are manipulated by one parent to irrationally and unjustifiably reject the other parent?” (Baker, Jaffee, Bernet, & Johnston, 2011).
Although the great majority of mental health and legal professionals agree that some children of divorced parents manifest PA – as we use the term – there has not been agreement on whether PA should be a formal diagnosis for use by MHPs. The proposal that PA become an official diagnosis was published in Parental Alienation, DSM-5, and ICD-11 (Bernet, 2010). See Chapter 15 of this book for an account of the development and submission of proposals that PA be included as a diagnosis in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders and the International Classification of Diseases.
MHPs sometimes find themselves involved in cases of PA involuntarily and perhaps unwittingly. For example, a social worker might already be the therapist for a parent, who then divorces and becomes either the alienating or the target parent as the family sinks into an alienation scenario. Or a school counselor might be working with an overly anxious child, who takes a turn for the worse when his parents divorce and he forms a strong alliance with one parent and rejects the other. On the other hand, MHPs also become involved in PA cases in a voluntary, knowing manner. A psychiatrist might agree to conduct a custody evaluation although she realizes that one of the parents has alleged that the child is manifesting PA. Or, a psychologist might agree to help a child and his mother re-establish a healthy relationship after being alienated from each other for several years.
Many MHPs are reluctant to become more than superficially involved in these difficult cases because each parent’s attorney will challenge them unless they support that parent’s position. Advocacy for one parent leads opposing counsel to attempt to discredit them, disregard their evaluation, or present their work as inadequate in an effort to remove them from the case. However, some MHPs make the opposite mistake of becoming overly involved in PA situations; for example, trying to be both the child’s therapist and the custody evaluator. It is almost always risky and hazardous for a MHP to take on multiple roles. It may constitute an ethical violation, which could be brought to the attention of the state licensing board. Fidler & Bala (2010) explain that it is very difficult for one MHP to achieve desired objectives and meet the various, complex, and often competing needs of different family members. Trouble and headaches will certainly be encountered when a MHP assumes dual roles of therapist and decision maker (Bernet, 1983; Bone & Sauber, 2012; Greenberg, Gould, Schnider, Gould-Saltman, & Martindale, 2003; Kirkland & Kirkland, 2006; Sullivan, 2004).
In this chapter, we at PsychLaw.net briefly discuss the various roles MHPs occupy in high conflict custody cases: evaluator, therapist, parenting coordinator, reunification specialist, and mental health consultant. See Chapter 2 for a more complete explanation of the evaluation process and Chapters 3, 4, and 5 for a discussion of the treatment of mild, moderate, and severe cases of PA. For additional information regarding reunification therapy, see Chapter 7. Mental health and legal professionals also try to influence courts and legislatures in shaping social policy, which is discussed in Chapter 9.
Explaining Voir Dire
French for “to speak the truth,” voir dire is simply a process of preliminary courtroom questioning—be it of citizens to determine if they should and will sit on the jury or witnesses to see if they are competent to testify. Distinct from examinations conducted during a case-in-chief, which gets to the substance of the parties’ dispute, voir dire peers into whether people should be allowed to participate—either to give facts or determine them.
In family law cases, voir dire comes into play when the court must decide to admit or deny expert testimony. Particularly in high-conflict cases, determining issues related to custody, mental health, substance abuse, parental alienation (PA), and patterns of controlling behavior can all be greatly aided by the testimony of a qualified psychological expert. Voir dire is used to determine if this proposed expert testimony is supported by reliable research and methodology and based upon the facts of the case.
We at PsychLaw.net believe that it is critical that an unqualified or unreliable witness is identified before the purported expert is allowed to taint the proceedings.[1] This is because scientific testimony often carries an ‘‘aura of infallibility.’’ Summarizing the literature, one respected commentator writes that “[t]here is virtual unanimity among courts and commentators that evidence perceived by jurors to be ‘scientific’ in nature will have particularly persuasive effect.”[2]
Unfortunately, because many attorneys and judges are not sufficiently up to speed on psychological standards, sometimes unreliable testimony is accepted and used to create misinformation regarding PA. This type of testimony has been presented innumerable times in courtrooms across North America to paint innocent parents as monsters and monstrously manipulative parents as saints. Hence, the importance of voir dire. When promptly and properly done, voir dire will reveal any lack of qualifications or reliability, and (hopefully) lead to the expert’s exclusion.[3]
Whether it is referred to as voir dire, a Daubert[4] hearing, or something else, every jurisdiction across North America offers some type of process for evaluating the credibility of a proposed expert, as well as the reliability of their proposed testimony. To explicate voir dire, the author will use the American federal rules. This will allow the reader to focus on the similarities across states and substitute local rules and case law where appropriate.
What is now known as a Daubert hearing grew out of jurisprudence around Federal Rule of Evidence (FRE) 104(a)[5] that addresses preliminary questions for the court regarding witness qualification and the admissibility of evidence. Daubert identified that, to provide testimony, an expert must have: (1) an opinion that will be helpful to the fact finder in making its determination; (2) a working knowledge of the data of the discipline; and (3) a reliable basis in the knowledge and experience of the subject matter.[6]
Perhaps the most frequently overlooked aspect of an expert’s proposed testimony is an examination of their research and methodology. Unfortunately, litigators and judges alike all too often stop their inquiry with an expert’s education and experience—particularly with scientific expertise. This is because of a “general lack of scientific literacy among … lawyers and judges,”[7] and “[b]ecoming scientifically literate should prove to be a continuing challenge to the law.”[8]
Nonetheless, the proffered expert should be challenged to show that their theory, technique, or concept is supported by objective, empirical data[9] before those data are admitted into evidence.[10] In addition to being grounded in an accepted body of learning or experience, the expert must also explain how the particular conclusion is so grounded in the facts of the case.[11]
Therefore, when scientific expert testimony is offered, the court must determine if it is based on:
(1) scientific knowledge that (2) will assist the trier of fact to understand or determine a fact in issue. This entails a preliminary assessment of whether the reasoning or methodology underlying the testimony is scientifically valid and of whether that reasoning or methodology can be applied to the facts in issue.[12]
The Daubert trilogy suggests engaging in a three-stage inquiry to see if the proposed testimony “fits” the evidentiary needs of the court in making its decision: (1) Does the proposed expert possess the kind of background and experience to fit the facts in controversy? (2) Does the proffered opinion provide a reliable application to the facts of the case? and (3) Does the expert employ a valid and reliable method in forming their opinion?[13]
[1] One of the real problems with waiting until trial is illustrated in these holdings: U.S. v. L.E. Cooke Co., Inc., 991 F.2d 336, 342 (6th Cir. 1993) (The reviewing court ruled that the exclusion of testimony due to the danger of misleading the jury was not a ground for reversal because the opposing party had an opportunity to refute testimony during cross-examination). Singer Co. v. E. I. du Pont de Nemours & Co., 579 F.2d 433, 443 (8th Cir. 1978) (Where the trial court refused to strike expert testimony as unsupported speculation on the ground that it was for the jury to value the worth of the opinion with the assistance of vigorous cross-examination).
- [2] John William Strong, Language and Logic in Expert Testimony: Limiting Expert Testimony by Restrictions of Function, Reliability, and Form, 71 Or. L. Rev. 349, 367 n. 81 (1992). See, also Neil Vidmar & Regina A. Schuller, Juries and Expert Evidence: Social Framework Testimony, 52 Law & Contemp. Probs., Autumn 1989, at 166. Also see e.g., Commonwealth v. Garcia, 588 A.2d 951 (Pa. 1991), overruled on other grounds by Commonwealth v. Johnson, 690 A.2d 274 (Pa. 1997), overruling on other grounds recognized by Commonwealth v. Minerd, 753 A.2d 225, 232 (Pa. 2000) (instructing that ‘‘[j]urors are human and may be unduly impressed by an expert, his credentials, and ultimately his opinion, ‘even though, upon reflection, they would realize that in the particular field under discussion they are as much at home as the expert.”)
[3] Of course, this assumes that the judge understands his jurisdiction’s rules of evidence, which, unfortunately, is not always the case. See e.g. D.T. v. N.O., No. DR 13 (Gunnison County, CO Dist. Ct. 2014) and description of a “data of the discipline” voir dire, infra in this chapter in the subsection “A Three-Step Process to Voir Dire a Proffered Expert in Proceedings Involving Parental Alienation.”
[4] Invoking the pre-eminent American authority in this area, Daubert v. Merrell Dow Pharmaceuticals, Inc., 509 U.S. 579 (1993).
[5] Fed. R. Evid. 104(a).
[6] Daubert, 509 U.S. at 589-92.
[7] See, e.g., John Thibaut & Laurens Walker, A Theory of Procedure, 66 Calif. L. Rev. 541 (1978) [hereinafter Thibaut (1978)] See also E. Allan Lind & Tom R. Tyler, The Social Psychology of Procedural Justice (1988). John Thibaut & Laurens Walker, Procedural Justice: A. Psychological Analysis (1975) [hereinafter Thibaut (1975)].
[8] David Faigman et al., Check your Crystal Ball at the Courthouse Door, Please: Exploring the Past, Understanding the Present, and Worrying About the Future of Scientific Evidence, 15 Cardozo L. Rev. 1799 (1994). Demosthenes Lorandos, Expert Evidence Post-Daubert: The Good, the Bad, and the Ugly, 43 Litigation, Mar. 2017, 7 (2017).
[9] Glaser v. Thompson Med. Co., 32 F.3d 969, 974-975 (6th Cir. 1994).
[10] See, e.g., Thibaut (1978), supra note 7; Lind et al., supra note 7; Thibaut (1975), supra note 7.
- [11] See, e.g., American College of Trial Lawyers, Standards and Procedures for Determining the Admissibility of Expert Testimony after Daubert, 157 F.R.D. 571, 579 (1994) (“Whether the testimony concerns economic principles, accounting standards, property valuation or other non-scientific subjects, it should be evaluated by reference to the ‘knowledge and experience’ of that particular field.”).
[12] Daubert., 509 U.S. at 592-93.
[13] See, e.g., Terence W. Campbell & Demosthenes Lorandos, 1 Cross Examining Experts in the Behavioral Sciences §§ 1:12, 1:28 (2001 & Supp. 2019). And see Schmaltz v. Norfolk & Western Ry. Co., 878 F. Supp. 1119,1121 (N.D. Ill. 1995) (where the court noted that the suggested scientific testimony must ‘‘fit’’ the issue about which the expert is testifying); In re Paoli R.R. Yard PCB Litigation, 35 F.3d 717, 742 (3d Cir. 1994) (noting admissibility depends in part on the proffered connection between the scientific research or test result to be presented and particular disputed factual issues in the case, i.e. the ‘‘fit’’ requirement), cert. denied, 513 U.S. 1190 (1995).
The Legal Criteria For Admissibility Of Expert Evidence
At PsychLaw.net we know that parental alienation (PA) is widely accepted by both mental health and legal professionals; however, a handful of authors in legal and social science publications deny the existence and/or reliability of PA as a meaningful construct. Accordingly, these few PA detractors claim that expert testimony about PA should not be admissible in North American courts, and they make specious arguments in support of this assertion. Like many deceptive arguments, absent a close reading with a complete understanding of the construct–PA, some are deceived. These blogs will examine the criteria for the admission of expert testimony, how PA meets these criteria and then outlines (and refutes) the misinformation about PA’s admissibility.
In this blog we will be discussing the legal criteria for admissibility of expert evidence. “The Importance of Voir Dire in High-Conflict Family Law Cases,” addresses in detail the standards for the admissibility of expert evidence in the U.S., so they will be addressed only briefly here.
Generally speaking, all relevant evidence is admitted unless: its probative value is substantially outweighed by a danger of … unfair prejudice, confusing the issues, misleading the jury, undue delay, wasting time, or needlessly presenting cumulative evidence.” Evidence is relevant if it: “(a) has a tendency to make a fact more or less probable than it would be without the evidence; and (b) the fact is of consequence in determining the action.”
The admission of expert evidence is governed by, in addition to those for relevance, further considerations because of the “wide latitude to offer opinions, including those that are not based on firsthand knowledge or observation” that an expert enjoys. It is important to note that this same “latitude” is not granted to ordinary witnesses, who must restrict their opinion testimony to those matters that the witness rationally perceived, and bear upon his or her testimony or a fact in issue.
To have expert evidence admitted, the proffering party must first present the expert either to the court in its case-in-chief or in a preliminary hearing (variously called a 104, 403, or 702 hearing or voir dire). In either situation, a similar order of examination will occur: (1) the proponent examines the witness in direct examination; the opposing party examines the witness in cross-examination; and the proponent follows up in re-direct examination.
If the expert is examined in a preliminary hearing and fails to establish that the testimony is useful and reliable, the evidence is not admitted to the proceedings. On the other hand, if the expert is first examined while the proceedings are ongoing and then it is revealed the evidence is not useful or unreliable, while the evidence has technically been “admitted,” the court will give it little or no weight.
Parental Alienation Cases Where The Mother Was The Target Parent
Here we at PsychLaw.net have looked at three more cases involving mother as the target parent.
- v. J., 2010 – Ontario –
In this case, the parties were married in 1991. It was a first marriage for both. They had two boys C age 15 and M age 9 at the time of trial. Both parents agreed that C suffered from attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) and obsessive compulsive disorder (OCD) and that M had a learning disability. Both parents remained in home where court testimony indicated the father sabotaged mother’s disciplining of the children; broke into mother’s room; called mother names; swore at and threatened mother; turned off power and cable; walked around in a towel and exposed himself. Records also documented that the father spoke to his own mother about blowing up the house. There was evidence of self-mutilation in the oldest child C (i.e. carving his initials into his skin).
Court records indicated that the father had a personality disorder and was modeling unhealthy behaviors that had influenced the children. Extended exposure to these behaviors in the father was seen as having long-term negative impact. Court records document that the experts thought that tasking father with day-to-day parenting would stress him and could trigger an explosive reaction.
The court found that the father demonstrated many alienating behaviors. He called mother names in front of the boys and they then mimicked him; and he undermined mother’s efforts to impose bedtimes and discipline. Further, the court found that the father tried to paint himself as the victim in his voice mail messages and in his own diary entries. The court determined that the father undermined the mother’s attempts to discipline C when he assaulted her and the father sabotaged mother’s summer access as well. He allowed C to evade schoolwork by permitting him to come to his house. He did not follow up with the schools to verify mother’s claims that C was simply avoiding work. Result, custody to target parent mother.
- (I.M.M.) v. S. (D.J.), 2010 – British Columbia –
This case involved a serious and ongoing lack of cooperation and active parental alienation. This lack of cooperation by the father was demonstrated by difficulties in planning for the scheduling of vacations and extra-curricular activities for the children during the school year and many other alienating and undercutting behaviors as well.
Court assessor Brown had 30 years of experience according to the court and was a highly experienced, professional registered clinical counselor. Ms. Brown reported to the court that this couple could not work cooperatively together to parent the children and that the father would continue to behave so as to alienate his sons from their mother. Ms. Brown strongly recommended that the father participate in counseling to help him deal with his anger in relation to the mother. The court noted that assessor Brown saw aspects of the father’s behavior as both an active and an obsessive alienator. She determined that he was strongly influencing his sons to his way of thinking by portraying himself as a “victim of their mother’s greed.”
The court determined it was clear on the evidence that the father manifested entrenched behaviors that were likely to seriously damage or even destroy the children’s relationship with the mother. The court determined that despite the various difficulties mother encountered in trying to parent with the father, she persisted in a calm and committed way, as she firmly believed it was in the children’s best interests for them to have a relationship with their father. In contrast, the father told the children that upon reaching the age of 12 years, they may choose which parent they wish to reside with and continue to undercut the mother. Further, the father refused to pay an outstanding order concerning his share of special expenses, and did not move with any dispatch to comply with the orders of the court regarding property division. The trial judge cited significant case precedent and vested custody in the target parent mother.
- v. S., 2010 – Ontario –
This case found experts describing the consequences of parental alienation in stark terms. Court records document that Jacqueline Vanbetlehem, MSW, and Ted Horowitz (Ph.D. in social work) agreed that the children had been heavily influenced by the father to have unrealistic and unjustified negative feelings toward the mother. Despite the father’s repeated attempts to get the experts to agree that the children were justified or at least reasonable in rejecting the mother, both experts regarded the father’s active alienation as by far the more pressing problem. Both witnesses described the long-term serious effects of unresolved alienation in children when they become adults. According to the two experts in this case, alienated children have significantly higher rates of mental and emotional problems, substance abuse or addiction and marriage or relationship breakdown than children who have a relationship with both their parents.
The trial judge offered that it was interesting to hear the father’s submissions, which bore out what the mother and the two expert witnesses had said. Barely a minute into his testimony wrote the trial judge, the father veered sharply from addressing what arrangements would be in the best interests of the boys to talk extensively, about how the mother had betrayed him and the family by acting independently as soon as she began earning a significant income. The father insisted that the mother began neglecting him and the children, abandoning them and forming a new relationship, all in the interest of money. His bitterness was palpable, wrote the court. He accused her of stealing the wealth of the family away from him, in terms similar to those the children repeated to the mother and the two expert witnesses. He also questioned the mother’s willingness and even her intellectual capacity to recognize the needs of the children and make any changes necessary to meet them. After hearing all of the testimony and reviewing the reports of the experts, the court ruled that both children would reside with the target parent mother. The father’s access to each of the children was suspended.
Why was PA so highly debated between 1990 and 2010?
Between 1990 and 2010 there was considerable discussion and debate regarding PA and PAS in the mental health and legal professional literature. Most of the disagreement related to PAS as it was conceptualized and defined by Richard Gardner, as well as Gardner’s recommendation that cases of severe alienation should be treated by transferring custody of the child from the alienating parent to the target parent. For example, Gardner was criticized by Faller (1998, 2000), Faller and DeVoe (1995), Bruch (2001), and by Hoult (2006). In 2001, Kelly and Johnston critiqued Gardner’s definition of PAS (which they felt focused too much on the role of the alienating parent) and proposed a reformulation of the phenomenon as “the alienated child” (which focuses more on the feelings and behavior of the child). See Chapter 10, “The History of Parental Alienation from Early Days to Modern Times,” and Chapter 13, “Parental Alienation Initiatives around the World,” for a more complete discussion of the controversies regarding PA and PAS.
In 2000, Elizabeth Ellis published her text Divorce Wars: Interventions with Families in Conflict. Ellis explained that by the year 2000, the concept of PA had “come to be accepted by clinicians working with families involved in post divorce conflict.” She went on to point out, “Definitions for PAS have been unclear, because clinicians still confuse a child’s symptoms with the parent’s behavior and the qualities of the relationship between the child and the alienating parent” (p. 227). Ellis offered a brief review of folie à deux and suggested that it involved striking similarities to PAS. In folie à deux, the primary individual who is dominant in the relationship gradually imposes his or her delusional system on the more passive, initially healthy second person (p. 218).
In 2010, Joan Kelly pointed out that there was “broad consensus among the mental health and family law community that the risk of child alienation is increased in highly conflicted separations accompanied by protracted adversarial child custody disputes” (Kelly, 2010). She commented that while case analysis and research improved our understanding with respect to PA, there existed ample frustration about the “surprisingly little progress made by courts in successfully dealing with these cases in the past 30 years.”
While some MHPs and attorneys reject the concept of PAS as defined by Gardner, almost all mental health and legal professionals accept the general definition of PA used in this book. That is, almost all mental health and legal professionals agree that some children – whose parents are engaged in a high-conflict separation or divorce – ally themselves strongly with one parent and reject a relationship with the other parent without legitimate justification. In an informal poll of members of the Association of Family and Conciliation Courts, which occurred in 2010, 98% of the 300 respondents agreed with the statement, “Do you think that some children are manipulated by one parent to irrationally and unjustifiably reject the other parent?” (Baker, Jaffee, Bernet, & Johnston, 2011).
Although the great majority of mental health and legal professionals agree that some children of divorced parents manifest PA – as we use the term – there has not been agreement on whether PA should be a formal diagnosis for use by MHPs. The proposal that PA become an official diagnosis was published in Parental Alienation, DSM-5, and ICD-11 (Bernet, 2010). See Chapter 15 of this book for an account of the development and submission of proposals that PA be included as a diagnosis in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders and the International Classification of Diseases.
MHPs sometimes find themselves involved in cases of PA involuntarily and perhaps unwittingly. For example, a social worker might already be the therapist for a parent, who then divorces and becomes either the alienating or the target parent as the family sinks into an alienation scenario. Or a school counselor might be working with an overly anxious child, who takes a turn for the worse when his parents divorce and he forms a strong alliance with one parent and rejects the other. On the other hand, MHPs also become involved in PA cases in a voluntary, knowing manner. A psychiatrist might agree to conduct a custody evaluation although she realizes that one of the parents has alleged that the child is manifesting PA. Or, a psychologist might agree to help a child and his mother re-establish a healthy relationship after being alienated from each other for several years.
Many MHPs are reluctant to become more than superficially involved in these difficult cases because each parent’s attorney will challenge them unless they support that parent’s position. Advocacy for one parent leads opposing counsel to attempt to discredit them, disregard their evaluation, or present their work as inadequate in an effort to remove them from the case. However, some MHPs make the opposite mistake of becoming overly involved in PA situations; for example, trying to be both the child’s therapist and the custody evaluator. It is almost always risky and hazardous for a MHP to take on multiple roles. It may constitute an ethical violation, which could be brought to the attention of the state licensing board. Fidler & Bala (2010) explain that it is very difficult for one MHP to achieve desired objectives and meet the various, complex, and often competing needs of different family members. Trouble and headaches will certainly be encountered when a MHP assumes dual roles of therapist and decision maker (Bernet, 1983; Bone & Sauber, 2012; Greenberg, Gould, Schnider, Gould-Saltman, & Martindale, 2003; Kirkland & Kirkland, 2006; Sullivan, 2004).
In this chapter, we at PsychLaw.net briefly discuss the various roles MHPs occupy in high conflict custody cases: evaluator, therapist, parenting coordinator, reunification specialist, and mental health consultant. See Chapter 2 for a more complete explanation of the evaluation process and Chapters 3, 4, and 5 for a discussion of the treatment of mild, moderate, and severe cases of PA. For additional information regarding reunification therapy, see Chapter 7. Mental health and legal professionals also try to influence courts and legislatures in shaping social policy, which is discussed in Chapter 9.
PA in Children born out of wedlock
Matter of P., 1995 – Tennessee
In this case we at PsychLaw.net researched a child who was born out of wedlock during a time when the parties were living together. The father originally denied paternity but the child was ultimately legitimated, at the age of two, after results of blood tests. The conflicts and discord in the case were longstanding and, despite the efforts of many participants, showed very few, if any, signs of improvement.
In 1991, the mother was undergoing physical, emotional, and financial difficulties. In light of these problems, she agreed that the father could have custody of their son and a consent order was entered. Father’s refusal to enter counseling, his continued frustration of the mother’s visitation, and intimidation of the mother, CASA, and school personnel brought about a re-evaluation. Father then based his claim of better comparative fitness on the fact that mother was a lesbian and lived with her lesbian partner. The trial judge believed that underlying father’s behavior was his hostility at mother’s admission that she was a lesbian. The issue was not formally raised until just before the trial and there was never any allegation of inappropriate conduct or behavior by mother or her partner. On the contrary, the Center for Children in Crisis found mother’s partner to be the more mature of the adults in the boy’s life and the father of the mother’s two other children, testified that mother was a good mother, his children were well adjusted and that his relationship with his children was quite good.
The record revealed that the alienating father here was unable to see how his behavior affected his son. He refused to address the child’s difficulties in school, lack of peer friendships; he demonstrated an unwillingness to follow court orders regarding visitations, counseling and continued to make negative commentary regarding the mother in a manner that caused the child to choose sides. The reports of CASA and the guardian ad litem contained factual details of the father’s personality and behavioral disorder as diagnosed by Center for Children in Crisis. Father’s only affirmative response to these issues was an attempt to leave the jurisdiction of the court. The record demonstrated that the mother made considerable progress in improving her physical and mental condition and regained the ability to care for her son. The court ruled that there were changed circumstances that warranted a revision in custody arrangements and the appellate court affirmed a change to target parent mother.
- v. M., 2001 – Vermont
In this case, the Supreme Court of Vermont dealt with a cultural clash over parental alienation and religion. In this case, father and mother had two daughters together. At the time of their divorce in 1995, father and mother stipulated to joint parental rights and responsibilities for the girls. There was extensive cooperation on issues regarding the girls immediately following the divorce, including shared access to one another’s homes, the exchange and transport of the children’s belongings between the two homes, frequent and open communication between mother and father without limitation, joint parent-teacher meetings, and flexibility about time and contact with each parent. There was a significant change for the worse starting in the latter half of 1996. By June 1999, mother moved to modify the parties’ original divorce decree, seeking both sole legal and sole physical rights and responsibilities for the children. The mother told the court that the changes included father prohibiting the girls from contacting her while they were in his care, prohibiting her from entering his home, and refusing to communicate with her except in writing. Mother testified to symptoms of anxiety in both girls including nightmares, stomach aches, and a constricted throat; the younger girl being very clingy and sucking her thumb. The mother explained the changes as coincidental to the father’s deepening involvement with the Jehovah’s Witness religion.
The father argued that the portion of the court’s order providing that he not bring the girls to any Jehovah’s Witness religious gatherings or attempt to raise the girls as Jehovah’s Witnesses was unconstitutional. The record and legal argument on this point was extensive. The Vermont Supreme Court reasoned that their trial courts may take into account a parent’s religious practices when making a custodial determination if there is evidence that the practices have a direct and negative impact on a child’s physical or mental health. In this case, noted the court, the mother presented extensive evidence that the conflicting practices and rules in each household that stemmed from her and the father’s disparate religious beliefs were causing the children to experience extreme confusion and anxiety.
The trial court made specific findings regarding the negative effects on the children of mother’s and father’s differing sets of beliefs, including the children’s feelings of disloyalty, guilt, confusion, and anxiety. Thus, not only was evidence of harm presented, but the trial court made specific findings that the conflicting beliefs and practices in each household were having a palpable negative impact on the children, and would continue to do so. The Vermont Supreme Court upheld the trial court’s prohibition. Additionally, there was extensive evidence in the record of father attempting to alienate the girls from mother that independently supported the court’s disposition in the case. Father refused to communicate with her in person on repeated occasions in front of the children. There was testimony about the father refusing to answer the door for her, refusing to roll down the car window while she attempted to talk to him at an exchange of the children, communicating to her through the stepmother while he stood by silently during exchanges, and hanging up the phone on her. For the reasons cited, custody was awarded to the target parent mother.
Getting it Wrong in Forensic Psychology: Case Studies
Dr. Joyanna Silberg is a psychologist, Senior Consultant for Child and Adolescent Trauma with the Sheppard Pratt Health System, and Executive Vice-President of the Leadership Council on Child Abuse & Interpersonal Violence. She has written and edited books on child abuse and trauma and is a PA denier who frequently speaks and presents on the topic. Like Dr. Geffner, who will be discussed later on, on paper it would appear that Dr. Silberg is qualified to provide an opinion on PA. However (also like Dr. Geffner), savvy trial courts and litigators have revealed on numerous occasions that her knowledge or her methods or her familiarity with and reliance on the actual facts of the case were insufficient to enable her to provide reliable expert testimony. Here are some cases in which Silberg testified that demonstrate this that we at PsychLaw.net have found.
Volodarsky v. Tarachanskaya, Maryland, 2006
In Volodarsky v. Tarachanskaya, a mother waged a years-long campaign of unsubstantiated allegations and alienation from the moment of the child’s birth.[1] Mother’s various claims included that the child would return from Father’s care smelling of smoke, hungry, and bruised, and that Father physically and sexually abused the child. And with each new allegation, Mother unilaterally suspended visitation. As each allegation was returned unsubstantiated by investigating social workers, Mother continued to withhold visitation, and eventually the court ordered a psychiatric evaluation of both parents. Mother was revealed to have “little insight into her part in the current situation …, sees all of the difficulties as related to [Father],” and had no compunction against using the courts to interfere with his visitation.[2]
Mother hired Dr. Silberg, who seemed to confirm Mother’s allegations, perhaps to rehabilitate Mother’s position. Dr. Silberg testified to clear “evidence” that Father was abusing the child, and testified that “it is simply impossible to explain the level of symptoms that [Child] is suffering from …. [T]he child is seriously at risk of abuse,” and that the child’s statements were “so vivid and accurate that only real experience could produce these reports.”[3] After that testimony was presented, the cross-examiner could argue that Dr. Silberg may have violated the APA guidelines and ethical codes related to dishonesty, giving professional opinions about people they haven’t met, and bias.[4]
Father countered Dr. Silberg’s testimony with that of two experts. Shockingly, one expert testified that the child only reported abuse when Dr. Silberg, whom the child identified as “mommy’s friend,” was mentioned. In Volodarsky, the court found that Father was not sexually abusing the child.[5]
L.S. v. C.T., South Dakota, 2009
In the South Dakota case of L.S. v. C.T.,[6] Mother and Father separated when Child was just three months old. Child resided primarily with Mother in another state, and Mother began making allegations of sexual abuse by Father when Child was age two. Investigations were conducted by law enforcement and child protective services in both states, with all determining the allegations were unfounded. Just over a year later, Mother made new allegations of sexual abuse. There were no other indications of abuse, and the second CPS investigation was returned “unsubstantiated.”[7]
Nine months later, Mother made a third allegation of sexual abuse, and this last was tried over three days, during which 16 witnesses testified. Mother testified that Child reported to her that Father fondled and “poked” at Child’s genitalia and that, when Child returned from visitation with Father, she would “demonstrate how she tried to resist the abuse by holding her legs together.”[8] On the other hand, a senior investigator who looked into these latest allegations of abuse testified that he had concluded after his interview with the child, whose statements varied and contradicted one another, “that there is a high probability that she has been led.”[9]
This opinion was mirrored by another investigator, who had concluded that Mother was trying to “sabotage”[10] the parent–child relationship. The experienced investigator also testified Mother traveled to various law enforcement, child protection agencies, child advocacy centers, and medical personnel in South Dakota and Nebraska to find someone who would identify child abuse.[11]
The child also displayed other symptoms of alienation, including that she “could not indicate one good quality about her father.”[12] As this evidence of manipulation and alienation piled up, Mother hired Dr. Silberg who met with the child once, the day before testimony.[13] Dr. Silberg testified that per the “testing” used, Child’s scores were “literally off the charts”[14] in comparison to other children who had been sexually abused, and that Child was a “severely traumatized child with an inordinate number of symptoms of both trauma and sexual preoccupation.”[15] Dr. Silberg further opined that “it would be dangerous even for supervised reunification because the child presumes that the abuse must have been okay if nobody is saying anything to them about it.”[16]
It is likely that Dr. Silberg’s testimony would have been excluded if a proper voir dire had occurred. For example, the prepared cross examiner could endeavor to show that Dr. Silberg may have violated the professional guidelines and ethical codes that require knowledge, using established science in the area of work, and prohibiting distorting evidence and intentionally misstating facts and bias.[17] Luckily, an experienced forensic examiner fully countered Dr. Silberg’s L.S. v. C.T. testimony. The trial court refused to sustain Mother’s latest allegations and ruled against the protective order Mother was requesting.[18]
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[1] Tarachanskaya v. Volodarsky, 897 A.2d 884 (Md. Ct. Spec. App. 2006), rev’d on other grounds, 916 A.2d 991 (Md. 2007).
[2] Tarachanskaya, 897 A.2d at 889; Volodarsky v. Tarachanskaya, 916 A.2d 991, 993, 994(Md. 2007)
[3] Tarachanskaya, 897 A.2d at 891.
[4] Ethical Principles & Standards, supra note 47, at C, 5.01, 9.01.
[5] Tarachanskaya, 897 A.2d at 892-894; Volodarsky, 916 A.2d at 1001. Note that in addition to the potential ethical violations for which Dr. Silberg could have been examined previously identified, she also could have been questioned about her duty to minimize foreseeable harm. Ethical Principles & Standards, supra note 47, at 3.04.
[6] L.S. v. C.T., 2009 SD 2, 760 N.W.2d 145 (S.D. 2009).
[7] Id. at ¶ 6, 760 N.W.2d at 147.
[8] Id. at ¶ 9, 760 N.W.2d at 148.
[9] Id.
[10] Id. at ¶ 7, 760 N.W.2d at 147.
[11] Id. at ¶ 20, 760 N.W.2d at 150.
[12] Id. at ¶ 30 n. 8, 760 N.W.2d at 153.
[13] Id. ¶ 13, 760 N.W.2d at 148.
[14] Id. ¶ 13, 760 N.W.2d at 148-49. Note, the record is unclear but Dr. Silberg may have been describing Mother’s responses to Friedrich’s Child Sexual Behavior Inventory, which is not intended to make the diagnosis of CSA by itself. The CSBI is a questionnaire, listing 36 behaviors, which are thought to be associated with sexualization. It asks a parent to “Please circle the number that tells how often your child has shown the following behaviors recently or in the last 6 months.” Each behavior may be rated as: “never”; “once monthly”; “1–3 times monthly” or “at least once weekly.” William N. Friederich et al., Child Sexual Behavior Inventory: Normative and Clinical Comparisons, 4 Psychol. Assessment 303-311 (1992). In high-conflict families, use of the CSBI with one of two polarized parents is subject to serious concerns about validity and reliability. For a discussion of the various types of validity and reliability, see Demosthenes Lorandos & Terence W. Campbell, Benchbook in the Behavioral Sciences: Psychiatry – Psychology – Social Work 359, 373 (2005).
[15] L.S., at ¶ 13; 760 N.W.2d at 149.
[16] Id.
[17] Ethical Principles & Standards, supra note 47, at C, D, 2.03, 2.04, 9.01. Specialty Guidelines, supra note 48, at 2.02.
[18] L.S., at ¶ 33, 760 N.W.2d at 155. See also Ethical Principles & Standards, supra note 47, at C, D, 2.03, 2.04, 5.01. Specialty Guidelines, supra note 48, at 11.01.
Forensic Use of DSM IV
The DSM‑IV clearly acknowledges its limitations when used in a forensic setting. PsychLaw.net notes that the manual states:
“When DSM‑IV categories, criteria, and textual descriptions are employed for forensic purposes, there are significant risks that diagnostic information will be misused or misunderstood. These dangers arise because of the imperfect fit between the questions of ultimate concern to the law and information contained in a clinical diagnosis. In most situations, the clinical diagnosis of a DSM‑IV mental disorder is not sufficient to establish the existence for legal purposes of a `mental disorder,’ `mental disease,’ or `mental defect.’ In determining whether an individual meets a specified legal standard (e.g., for competence, criminal responsibility, or disability), additional information is usually required beyond that contained in the DSM‑IV diagnosis. This might include information about the individual’s functional impairments and how these impairments affect the particular abilities in question. It is precisely because impairments, abilities, and disabilities vary widely within each diagnostic category that assignment of a particular diagnosis does not imply a specific level of impairment or disability” (p. xxiii).
Quite clearly, DSM‑IV acknowledges that its diagnostic classifications are not sufficient ‑ in and of themselves ‑ for responding to forensic issues. Therefore, it is appropriate to ask whether DSM‑IV can legitimately support expert testimony in a legal proceeding? The U.S. Supreme Court’s decision in Daubert revises the traditional test for determining the admissibility of expert testimony.[1] The Frye test previously required that expert testimony be supported by scientific principles or evidence generally accepted by the relevant scientific or professional community.[2] A review of the previous discussion of inter-rater reliability demonstrates that the DSM-IV cannot meet that test.
As PsychLaw.net explained in previous posts, Daubert establishes FRE 702 as the test for admitting the testimony of an expert witness. FRE 702 allows expert testimony into evidence ‘If [the] scientific, technical, or other specialized knowledge will assist the trier of fact to understand the evidence or to determine a fact in issue …’
Summarizing: Daubert defines a four‑prong test for determining the ‘evidentiary reliability’ of a scientific theory or technique.[3]
- Can it be ‑ or has it been ‑ tested?
- What is its known or potential rate of error?
- Has it undergone peer review?
- Does it enjoy general acceptance?
PsychLaw.net notes that applying these four questions to DSM‑IV leads to rather sobering conclusions regarding its evidentiary reliability. The unavailability of inter‑rater reliability data for its various diagnostic classifications creates enormous problems for DSM‑IV. As a result, it cannot claim to have been appropriately tested. Additionally, its potential rate of error remains unknown. When evaluated against Frye criteria, DSM‑IV can claim general recognition. The extent to which it is used by a broad spectrum of mental health professionals clearly establishes that it is generally recognized. General acceptance of a procedure, however, necessitates that professionals agree in the conclusions they reach when using it. Without inter‑rater reliability data demonstrating an acceptable level of consensus for DSM‑IV, claims regarding its general acceptance remain unsupported.[4] In other words, the “popularity” of DSM‑IV does not necessarily establish its reliability.[5]
Cross‑Examining the Forensic Use of DSM‑IV
- DSM‑IV clearly acknowledges its limitations when used in a forensic setting ‑‑ Correct?
- In other words, DSM‑IV criteria are not sufficient ‑ in and of themselves ‑ for answering the questions related to this case ‑‑ Correct?
- And without inter‑rater reliability data, one could argue that DSM‑IV has not been adequately tested ‑‑ Correct?
- And without inter‑rater reliability data, no one really knows what the error rate is for DSM‑IV ‑‑ Correct?
- And without inter‑rater reliability data, it is illogical to claim that DSM‑IV is generally accepted ‑‑ Correct?
- In other words, the popularity of DSM‑IV does not necessarily establish its accuracy ‑‑ Correct?
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[1]. Daubert v Merrell Dow Pharmaceuticals Inc., 509 U S 579, 113 S Ct 2786, 125 L Ed 2d 469, (1993).
[2]. Frye v United States, 54 US App D C 46, 293 F 1013 (1923).
[3]. Campbell, T.W. (1993). The Daubert decision and its effects on expert testimony. Michigan Lawyers Weekly, Sept, 13, 1993; 5B.
-and-
Lorandos, D. (1995). Finding the right expert. In Expert Witnesses Beyond Daubert. Ann Arbor, Michigan. Institute for Continuing Legal Education.
[4]. Remember, in the words of one of the amicus briefs filed in Daubert, a brief filed on behalf of several Nobel laureates: “It is how the conclusions are reached, not what the conclusions are, that makes them ‘good science’ …”: Brief Amici Curiae of Nicolaas Bloembergen et al. at 22, Daubert v. Merrell Dow Pharmaceuticals, Inc., 113 S. Ct. 2786 (1993) (No. 92-102).
[5]. “Popularity” of a diagnosis or the popularity of a described Asyndrome@ has at times found junk science creeping into the courtroom. Rape Trauma Syndrome and Battered Women’s Syndrome are two of these popular but scientifically difficult conceptualizations. We refer to these syndromes as “suppositional science”. They are essentially hypotheses that are untestable or inadequately tested, but they find their way into courtrooms because the underlying insights are seen as useful in formulating legal policy and treatment modalities. See, for example: Faigman, D.L. (1989). To Have and Have Not: Assessing the Value of Social Science to the Law as Science and Policy, 38 Emory L. J. 1005; Mosteller, R.P. (1989). Legal Doctrines Governing the Admissibility of Expert Testimony Concerning Social Framework Evidence. 52 L & Contemp. Probs. 85.
When used for the more limited purpose of shedding light on the mental condition and behavior of the victim, such evidence has an easier time with admission, although a number of courts are quite critical:
State v Saldana (1982, Minn) 324 NW2d 227, 230 [RTS is therapeutic rather than factfinding tool; it carries aura of special reliability and trustworthiness and is likely to overawe jury]; People v Bledsoe (1984) 36 Cal 3d 236. 203 Cal Rptr 450, 681 P2d 291,300-301 [RTS is therapeutic tool not test to determine whether rape occurred or victim is truthful]; State v Taylor (1984. Mo) 663 1-W2d 235, 238-240 [RTS is not based on sufficiently sound science for use in evidence]; State v Brodniak (1986) 221 Mont 212, 718 P2d 322, 329 [error to let expert testify on basis of RTS and conversation with complaining witness that she was not “malingering”, expert may not testify on credibility]; State v Black (1987) 109 Wash 2d 336; 745 P2d 12, 16-18 [RTS lacks, scientific reliability]; Spencer v. General Elec. Co., 688 F. Supp. 1072, 1075-77 (E.D. Va. 1988) [court held that RTS evidence is not a scientifically reliable means of proving that a rape occurred and therefore does not satisfy Frye test. Court noted that expert=s methodology “bore little, if any, resemblance to traditional scientific or medical methodologies” and that probative value of such evidence is outweighed by its unfair prejudicial effect, citing Rule 403].
But see: United States v. Arcoren, 929 F.2d, 1235, 1238-42 (8th Cir. 1991) [court upheld admission of evidence of battered woman syndrome to explain why witness recanted her testimony], cert denied, 112 S. Ct. 312 (1991); and State v. Grecinger, 569 N.W.2d 189, 194 (Minn. 1997) [Battered Women’s Syndrome is valid science, and admitting such testimony in trial for assault and attempted murder after defense attacked credibility of victim was proper]. In Grecinger, a man was on trial for battery and attempted murder. The court determined that expert testimony on BWS was proper to repair a witnesses’ credibility.
And see: Note, (1986). The Battered Woman Syndrome and Self-Defense: A Legal and Empirical Dissent, 72 Va. L Rev. 619, 647; Mosteller, R.P. (1989). Legal Doctrines Governing the Admissibility of Expert Testimony Concerning Social Framework Evidence, LAW & CONTEMP. PROBS., Autumn at 85, 101-02. & Morse, (1990). The Misbegotten Marriage of Soft- Psychology and Bad Law, 14 L & Human Behavior 595.[Research dealing with battered women and rape victims indicates that jurors are most likely to overvalue expert testimony that applies general principles to the behavior of a witness in the case.]
Past Cases Of Parental Alienation Where The Child Is Born Out Of Wedlock
Matter of P., 1995 – Tennessee
In this case we at PsychLaw.net researched a child who was born out of wedlock during a time when the parties were living together. The father originally denied paternity but the child was ultimately legitimated, at the age of two, after results of blood tests. The conflicts and discord in the case were longstanding and, despite the efforts of many participants, showed very few, if any, signs of improvement.
In 1991, the mother was undergoing physical, emotional, and financial difficulties. In light of these problems, she agreed that the father could have custody of their son and a consent order was entered. Father’s refusal to enter counseling, his continued frustration of the mother’s visitation, and intimidation of the mother, CASA, and school personnel brought about a re-evaluation. Father then based his claim of better comparative fitness on the fact that mother was a lesbian and lived with her lesbian partner. The trial judge believed that underlying father’s behavior was his hostility at mother’s admission that she was a lesbian. The issue was not formally raised until just before the trial and there was never any allegation of inappropriate conduct or behavior by mother or her partner. On the contrary, the Center for Children in Crisis found mother’s partner to be the more mature of the adults in the boy’s life and the father of the mother’s two other children, testified that mother was a good mother, his children were well adjusted and that his relationship with his children was quite good.
The record revealed that the alienating father here was unable to see how his behavior affected his son. He refused to address the child’s difficulties in school, lack of peer friendships; he demonstrated an unwillingness to follow court orders regarding visitations, counseling and continued to make negative commentary regarding the mother in a manner that caused the child to choose sides. The reports of CASA and the guardian ad litem contained factual details of the father’s personality and behavioral disorder as diagnosed by Center for Children in Crisis. Father’s only affirmative response to these issues was an attempt to leave the jurisdiction of the court. The record demonstrated that the mother made considerable progress in improving her physical and mental condition and regained the ability to care for her son. The court ruled that there were changed circumstances that warranted a revision in custody arrangements and the appellate court affirmed a change to target parent mother.
- v. M., 2001 – Vermont
In this case, the Supreme Court of Vermont dealt with a cultural clash over parental alienation and religion. In this case, father and mother had two daughters together. At the time of their divorce in 1995, father and mother stipulated to joint parental rights and responsibilities for the girls. There was extensive cooperation on issues regarding the girls immediately following the divorce, including shared access to one another’s homes, the exchange and transport of the children’s belongings between the two homes, frequent and open communication between mother and father without limitation, joint parent-teacher meetings, and flexibility about time and contact with each parent. There was a significant change for the worse starting in the latter half of 1996. By June 1999, mother moved to modify the parties’ original divorce decree, seeking both sole legal and sole physical rights and responsibilities for the children. The mother told the court that the changes included father prohibiting the girls from contacting her while they were in his care, prohibiting her from entering his home, and refusing to communicate with her except in writing. Mother testified to symptoms of anxiety in both girls including nightmares, stomach aches, and a constricted throat; the younger girl being very clingy and sucking her thumb. The mother explained the changes as coincidental to the father’s deepening involvement with the Jehovah’s Witness religion.
The father argued that the portion of the court’s order providing that he not bring the girls to any Jehovah’s Witness religious gatherings or attempt to raise the girls as Jehovah’s Witnesses was unconstitutional. The record and legal argument on this point was extensive. The Vermont Supreme Court reasoned that their trial courts may take into account a parent’s religious practices when making a custodial determination if there is evidence that the practices have a direct and negative impact on a child’s physical or mental health. In this case, noted the court, the mother presented extensive evidence that the conflicting practices and rules in each household that stemmed from her and the father’s disparate religious beliefs were causing the children to experience extreme confusion and anxiety.
The trial court made specific findings regarding the negative effects on the children of mother’s and father’s differing sets of beliefs, including the children’s feelings of disloyalty, guilt, confusion, and anxiety. Thus, not only was evidence of harm presented, but the trial court made specific findings that the conflicting beliefs and practices in each household were having a palpable negative impact on the children, and would continue to do so. The Vermont Supreme Court upheld the trial court’s prohibition. Additionally, there was extensive evidence in the record of father attempting to alienate the girls from mother that independently supported the court’s disposition in the case. Father refused to communicate with her in person on repeated occasions in front of the children. There was testimony about the father refusing to answer the door for her, refusing to roll down the car window while she attempted to talk to him at an exchange of the children, communicating to her through the stepmother while he stood by silently during exchanges, and hanging up the phone on her. For the reasons cited, custody was awarded to the target parent mother.
Cases of PA where the target parent was the mother
In this blog we at PsychLaw.net will discuss two more cases of PA where the target parent was the mother.
In re Marriage of R., 1994 – Iowa
In this case two doctors of osteopathy and “Trudi” were at war. In this difficult matter, the trial court spent eighteen days listening to mother’s twenty-one witnesses, including seven by deposition, and father’s thirty-five witnesses, including five by deposition. The trial court extracted from the voluminous evidence several specific examples of what it considered conduct on the part of the father’s new wife – Trudi and the father to alienate the children from their mother. The first involved a Fourth of July weekend. Mother asked to trade holidays because she had to work a sixty-hour weekend. Father refused to change the holiday schedule and, although he knew mother was working, he got the son up to get ready for his mother’s visitation and let the child sit for two hours with his bag by the window watching for his mother who did not come. When she did not come on Monday, the same scene was reenacted.
The second was an attempt to charge mother or someone who cared for the son with or for the mother, with sexually molesting the child. Trudi took the boy to doctors four times on two separate occasions with her complaints. All medical opinions refuted Trudi’s claims but Trudi told others about them, including their Rabbi, and she then made her complaints in front of the child. In another example of alienation seen as telling by the court of appeals, mother volunteered with the school to accompany one of the child’s classes on a field trip. When the father learned about it, he called the school and complained. He also insisted that mother take the hours she had chaperoned the field trip as her visitation time. The trial judge found this was a case of parental alienation syndrome and it was severe. The appellate court, as did the trial court, found that Trudi contributed substantially to the discord. The trial court in its findings noted the fact Trudi had alienated her three children from a prior marriage from their father after she divorced him. She seemed to view the children as items to be secreted and was manipulative, forbidding the son to talk to his mother at school and religious functions. The trial court’s award of custody of the children to the target parent mother was affirmed.
- v. G., 1995 – Texas
In this Texas case, a modification was sought within one year of the original decree. As it was in Texas, the custody dispute was tried to a jury in 1992. The record indicated that the father had a history of severe emotional outbursts and had engaged in threatening behavior toward the mother and the children. There was testimony that the father was destructive as well. Mother testified of her belief that the child was afraid of his dad, and that father had no real love for their son and was only using him. The child had problems controlling his bowels that mother believed were stress-related. The record reflects that the father wanted the four-year-old daughter to fly unescorted from San Antonio to Houston and back and father admitted he refused to let the boy talk to the guardian ad litem alone.
Dr. Kit Harrison, the court appointed psychologist, described father as very bombastic, loud, combative, verbally argumentative, very power-oriented and that he referred to the four-year-old as “the girl.” Dr. Harrison testified that the son acted as his father’s messenger or robot, and that he was “brainwashed.” It was Dr. Harrison’s opinion that the father exploited both children. He testified father’s behavior was extremely detrimental to the children because it completely stifled growth and development. Dr. Harrison’s expert opinion was that the son was subject to his domineering and extremely controlling father and that the father was alienating the child from his mother. Dr. Harrison further testified he suspected father had a personality disorder. After hearing all the evidence, custody was changed to the target parent mother. Father’s appeal was dismissed.
What Happens When The Target Parent Is The Mother?
In the next few blogs we at PsychLaw.net will share selected cases from the US where the target parent was the mother.
In re M.K.T., – Pennsylvania
This was a 1993 Parental Alienation by foster mother case. It began in the 1980s when Pennsylvania’s office of Children and Youth Services (CYS) and foster mother Myrna Hagan became involved with the family. It seems that father held an M.B.A. and worked as a computer consultant. Mother was employed as a secretary. In 1989, K., then age sixteen, ran away from home and refused to return when apprehended by the police. The girl alleged that she feared her father because he routinely used excessive physical discipline on her and her siblings. CYS personnel interviewed the children in their home. All three children expressed fear of their father and requested that they be removed from their home. There seemed to be no serious complaints about the mother. The children were placed in shelter care pending a hearing. Father admitted to a CYS caseworker that he had used physical discipline in the form of paddling and slapping across the face. Explaining quite clearly that the complaint of CYS and their “expert” were “shallow and picayune,” the appellate court chastised their lower court judge saying that a review of the record in this case compelled only one conclusion. The appellate panel insisted that the conclusion was so clear that they were puzzled how either the trial court or CYS could maintain a contrary position. Concerning the mother’s right to parent her children, the appellate panel apologized: “Unfortunately, the trial court lost sight of the goal.”
In this difficult case at least six behavioral scientists were involved over the “shallow and picayune” CYS process. One handpicked psychologist for CYS, Dr. Neil Rosenblum, and five neutral experts: Dr. Susan Nathan; Dr. Donald Hazlett; Dr. Kenneth Stanko; Dr. Robert Saul and Dr. Anna Marie Breaux. To perfect their shallow process, CYS had Rosenblum meet each of the children alone once and each child in an interactional session with foster mother Myrna Hagan. Rosenblum never met the parents but testified on behalf of CYS. Dr. Robert Saul also testified after meeting with the children and foster mother. Saul expressed that he had concerns about the foster mother’s strong views concerning the return of the children to their parents and feared what the foster mother might communicate to the children. Dr. Saul also stated that the foster mother’s views about the parents very possibly would have a detrimental effect on the goal of reunifying the family, and, given that the children had become attached to Hagan, they would be influenced by her even more. Clearly, between Hagan and the mother, Hagan was winning their hearts.
While Dr. Kenneth Stanko admitted that the father’s methods of discipline were detrimental to the children’s upbringing, he was consistent and emphatic in his belief that the parents had worked very hard at changing their behavior and ridding themselves of inappropriate ways of parenting. He stated that they read many books, both those given by him and those they obtained themselves. They underlined relevant portions and sought him out with questions. Dr. Stanko testified that the parents put this information to use in their parenting of a child who had moved back home without incident. Dr. Stanko emphasized that Hagan’s attitude was a serious problem to the stated goal of reunification. He testified that to a reasonable degree of medical certainty, placement of the children with Hagan was not conducive to reunification of the family.
Dr. Anna Marie Breaux spent twenty-one and one-quarter hours in direct evaluation with the family. Dr. Breaux testified that the parents exhibited a great degree of motivation to get the family reunited. The crux of the problem, according to Breaux, was the children’s belief that they had to choose between their foster mother and their mother. Dr. Breaux stated that Hagan was competitive with the parents rather than being neutral to the relationship with their children. Dr. Breaux testified that the children were being done a disservice by continued placement with foster mother Hagan. Dr. Breaux opined that this foster mother had explicitly and implicitly taken actions leading to the children’s alienation from their parents.
The only evidence that supported the conclusion that visitation with the parents posed a threat to the children still held by CYS was the testimony of Dr. Rosenblum for CYS at the hearing, and it was not competent evidence according to the appellate panel reviewing the matter. The appellate court determined that the other expert testimony in the case was significant, both in quantity and quality. The record demonstrates that for over three years, every psychologist or psychiatrist who treated this family said the same thing: the parents acknowledged their wrongdoing, worked very hard to rectify it, and proved themselves in their care of the child who returned, but they were prevented from reunification with the other children due solely to the efforts of the foster mother and her influence over them. The appellate court chastised their trial judge and ruled that the order terminating visitation with the parents was reversed. They demanded their trial court hold an expedited hearing to determine whether the children may be returned forthwith to their parents’ home.
What is the purpose of our blogs?
The purpose for building this blog was two fold:
First, to give the reader representative examples of parental alienation cases from the United States and Canada. One goal we at PsychLaw.net had in developing this material has been to provide professional and lay readers with a source with which they can easily see the similarities in alienator, child victim and target parent behaviors as it was seen and described by legal authorities. An additional goal has been to offer the reader a source with which they can become familiar with the contours of the courts’ response to alienators, their child and target parent victims. Another goal has been to assemble material from which readers can find brief descriptions of parental alienation patterns that may be similar to cases in which they are enmeshed. Hopefully, the material can be added to a brief, a lecture, a shared story and it will help to curtail the pain and suffering alienators inflict on so many people.
Second, to provide brief but accurate descriptions of many alienation cases across a twenty-five year period to illustrate that parental alienation deniers do not seem to know the data. Bruch, Faller, Hoult and other non scientifically based critics maintain that PA doesn’t exist but is a plan or plot by pedophiles to take defenseless children from protective women we at PsychLaw.net believe this is untrue and a dangerous way of thinking. Curiously, a finding that a court took children away from a protective woman because of proofs concerning PA, and gave them to a man could not be found in any of the thousands of cases reviewed. Like Global Warming deniers and Creationists, the Parental Alienation deniers thrive in a post-fact / Fox News world. A tutorial on critical thinking and how the parental alienation deniers do not value evidence based empiricism would be beyond the scope of this chapter; so the approach taken here was to provide the reader with the evidence distilled from three thousand parental alienation case in the United States and Canada.
The method we at PsychLaw.net used to distill these examples was as follows:
First, court reports, opinions and citations to parental alienation cases were obtained from the files of persons who had been involved in them as experts or litigators. This proved unsatisfactory because many of the two hundred eighty cases that were reviewed from these sources were incomplete, lacked signatures, had incorrect citations or could not be found in the public domain.
Second, a query was developed and the ALLSTATES and CAN-ALLCASES Westlaw databases were searched. The query was (alienat! /3 (mother father son daughter parent!)) & da (aft(1984) & bef(2012)). This search delivered only cases, which met three criteria: 1. The case contained the sequence of letters: “alienat”; 2. The “alienat” sequence appeared three or fewer words removed from any one of the words “mother,” “father,” “son” or “daughter,” or the sequence of letters “parent”; and 3. The case was published after 1984 and before 2012. The query obtained 1104 cases in the initial United States query pool and 1642 cases in the initial Canadian query pool.
Third, these 2,746 cases were individually reviewed and cases were removed that did not contain at least one of the following two criteria: 1. An independent evaluating expert testified on the subject of PA, whether or not the expert found PA -or- 2. The court found on any basis that there was PA whether or not there was expert testimony. None of the following were considered “experts” on parental alienation, for the purposes of inclusion: the parties, their children, their therapists, their children’s therapists, their attorneys, guardians ad litem, child advocates, mediators, parenting coordinators, custody conciliators, law enforcement officers or CPS personnel. No testimony on parental alienation by any of these persons qualified a case for inclusion. Further, if the court did no more than speculate concerning PA, or if the court’s action was to appoint an expert to examine the extent to which there may be PA, the case was not included for further review. Cases with opinions only in French (all from the province of Quebec) were also manually excluded. This refining analysis yielded 482 cases of severe PA.
Fourth, the 482 cases were reviewed again in depth. Each case was scrutinized for description of background facts, clarity of the findings of fact, reliance on statutory and case precedent and availability of the case in the public domain.
Fifth, the annotated cases were divided into target parent mother and target parent father groupings. From this sort, thirty cases from the United States and thirty cases from Canada, equally divided among target parent mother and target parent father, were selected by this author for description.
Sixth, the cases were organized chronologically and each case was read and annotated again. Phrases, sentences, and paragraphs, which accurately described the case process and record, were extracted and sorted for chronological clarity. The verbatim extracted material was chronologically organized and the summaries prepared. In developing the summaries, the author endeavored to turn what was in some cases tortured legalese, into prose. Every effort was made to be accurate. Difficult syntax, long and convoluted sentences, temporal inconsistencies, punctuation anomalies, language differences made the process an arduous one. For example, in the United States there are very few published and available opinions by trial court judges, but this is de rigueur in Canada. In the United States, psychologists and psychiatrists aiding the court are typically referred to as Evaluators, but the same folks are Assessors in Canada. Spelling differences such as: counseling / counselling; behavior / behaviour; judgment / judgement, were changed to American English spellings by the Microsoft spell checker. Tenses in the opinions which were contemporaneous for the most part, and were changed to the past tense for readability. With apologies to the reader, this author left extremely long sentences (judges love long sentences) intact but set them out with semi-colons. The names of the various courts: Provincial, Magistrate, District, Circuit, Supreme, Superior, were reduced to “trial court” or “appellate court” for readability. The titles of the various judges were also reduced to “judge.” Quotation marks were dispensed with and the citations customary in legal and scholarly writing were jettisoned. The reader will find exact wording in the case reports themselves and citations to find them are given at the end of this chapter. Finally, every effort was made to conceal the identities of the parties and particularly the child and target parent victims. Many cases in Canadian jurisprudence are identified by initials only. In the parental alienation context, this is laudable. The author made every attempt to conceal those names the courts printed in their written opinions. This book is aimed at ameliorating parental alienation, not re stigmatizing its victims.